Bolivia Mauls American-Media Journalist
Bolivia wars press to cover up involvement in terrorism
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By www.roytov.com
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One of the emails I stopped answering are those asking “if you are a political prisoner of Bolivia, how can you keep publishing?” The second type I seldom answer claims that Evo Morales is a hero of international green movements and thus my claims against his ruthless regime cannot be true; if Bolivians would hear about this international image of Morales, they would be rolling on the floor, laughing harder than ever before.
Most of the latter were convinced by partial sources like the CNN and the BBC,* never having bothered to look at the chilling local media. They never bothered checking my quite regular reports on one of the most violent societies on earth.
I stopped answering not because I am bad, but because the answer to these issues is clearly provided by the links within the Bolivian box marked with a gas-mask at the bottom of each page and is too long to fit in an email that I invariably write while attacked by the Bolivian government.
Bolivian Crucifix Unending Protests Against Evo Morales Banned by Western media
I won’t answer them, especially since these letters often have violent innuendos towards me. Yet, I want to answer with a big “Thank you!” to the many websites reproducing or linking mine, especially to Jeff Rense, What Really Happened, and The 4th Media. Another special thanks goes to VT, which some time ago made me its Israel Correspondent. As such, when Bolivia attacks me, it is attacking a journalist working for American media. Would this latter government respond?
Bolivian Brutality | Unable to understand “wrong”
Brutal Introduction to the Morales Regime
Evo Morales’ s political opponents are ruthlessly persecuted. Between the fallen miners’ oligarchy and the Morales coca-oligarchy, Bolivia was led by Eduardo Rodriguez Veltzé, a Supreme Court Justice who had no intentions of staying in power. Yet, in a show of his grandeur, as soon as he gained power Evo Morales was quick to place charges of treason on this astonished man. The situation was so ridiculous that the charges were dropped shortly afterwards.
In the 2009 elections, Manfred Reyes Villa reached the second place after Evo Morales. The latter felt so threatened by a man that got just over a quarter of the vote and less than half of what Morales got, that Morales began a judicial process against Villa for fraud. Manfred Reyes Villa was forced to escape Bolivia on foot to Peru, and then seek refuge in the USA. All alternative leaders have been chased out of the country by Evo Morales. A civil war may await Bolivia in the near future.
Evo Morales government is now disintegrating amidst massive protests. As these lines are being written on May 17, 2013, the protest in front of the Ministry of Justice demanding the Government to disclosed the fate of “disappeared” citizens kidnapped by the military is still on, more than one year after it started. Yet, it is hard to spot since downtown La Paz is blocked by violent protests of the COB (Federation of Union Workers), which in the past was Morales’ main ally.
In the pictures above and below, none of the Bolivian policeman comprehends that by participating in such an event, he has transformed himself into an extension of absolute evil. You want to cry, yet you don’t, because you know it won’t help anymore. Hell is here.
Bolivian Brutality | Unable to understand “wrong”
Bolivian protests are often violent. The country is organized into powerful work unions and features two especially powerful groups: miners and cocaleros, coca-growers. The last elected president before Morales was Goni, a representative of the miners’ oligarchy. Evo Morales—the current president—is even now head of the Cocaleros Confederation. In 2005, La Paz almost exploded with the dynamite sticks used by the miners to protest against Goni. Eventually, he ran away from the country; after two transitional presidents, the cocaleros took over. The use of dynamite on the streets is not a joke; recently a miner diedduring such a protest.
Hector Choque’s Body | Assassinated with Dynamite
In the months preceding the elections, Morales kept La Paz under siege. People couldn’t travel, veggies disappeared from the markets. Daily protests literally set downtown La Paz on fire. People vote Morales fearing that if he lost, a civil war would have followed.
In 2011, the dynamite sticks reappeared on the streets, but this time directed at Evo Morales, who succeeded in redefining the Republic of Bolivia as the Plurinational State of Bolivia, but failed to help even one of the suffering creatures of God populating his coca-paradise. His attempt to reform the judicial system by letting the people vote for their judges—a first-ever event that took place on October 2011—ended in disaster (see Detaining Democracy). One of the reasons for this dramatic attempt was the disastrous shape of the local judicial system. The average trial in Bolivia took six years, and there were 25,000 delayed trials in a country of roughly 10 million people.
On November 23, 2011, another bombshell landed on Bolivian media. The Permanent Assembly of Human Rights in Bolivia (APDBH) and the Defender of the People (“Defensor del Pueblo,” a formal body of the Bolivian government which is in charge of defending human right abuses by the state) announced that they want to prosecute 18 officials, including former Interior Minister Sacha Llorenti, for torturing the people who participated in the TIPNIS protests during September 25 and 26, 2011. The claims included the tying up of aboriginal leaders for many hours, denying them food and water. Many of them were bleeding due to wounds caused by police officers and were left untreated. There are testimonies and evidence that the decision to behave in such a brutal fashion came directly from Evo Morales, Interior Minister Sacha Llorenti and the Police Chief.
One of the closest organizations to Evo Morales is named “Ponchos Rojos” (“red ponchos” after their colorful garment). They center is the Omasuyos area of the Andean High Plateau – not far from La Paz – and are often seen as a paramilitary organization. They move around with “chicotes” (whips) resting on their shoulders even within the cities, ready to apply what here is known as “Community Justice.” On January 23, 2007, Morales and senior Bolivian military chiefs attended an indigenous people rally of the “Red Ponchos.” At the rally, Morales said: “I urge our Armed Forces along with the ‘Ponchos Rojos’ to defend our unity and our territorial integrity.” Further recognizing their informal role, the Ponchos Rojos have led military events in several occasions. Adding to this is also the fact that Evo Morales himself is often photographed wearing the garment; thus it is hard not to see them as part of the new establishment.
The training of the Ponchos Rojos has been reported intensively by the Bolivian media during Morales first term until mysteriously silenced. Several videos show dogs hanging alive when paramilitary Ponchos Rojos approach them and cut their throats. Ponchos Rojos can be seen routinely patrolling La Paz streets. This is not the behavior of people respecting nature, or even their immediate ecosystem. This is useless brutality performed by savages.
Ponchos Rojos | Evo Morales | Dog Decapitated by Ponchos Rojos
Playing-for-all-teams Policy
Beyond its coca-roots, Morales party, MAS, is openly socialist. The name means “Movement Towards Socialism,” an attempt to soften the message to those who grew up in the military-dictatorships imposed by the CIA’s Operation Condor. On the ground, it is the “Movement Towards Communism,” as explained in Forging Communist Bolivia. Company by Company, Morales is nationalizing every large company operating in Bolivia. Comrade Morales is busy, slowly implementing the words of his unmentioned idol; in 1845 Karl Marx said “In communist society… society regulates the general production” (The German Ideology).
At the beginning of 2008, the Bolivian news was filled with evidence of widespread political activity by the police force as described in The Cross of Bethlehem. Eventually, the local police officially confirmed their surveillance of politicians and journalists. The exposure was the result of internal wars between commandants of rival surveillance units. The officers’ public statements showed the heavy influence of their personal interests in the decision to take the fight to the newspapers. It also exposed their basic disregard of the law and its principles. Probably, these events played a role in the 2008 widespread protests which began a bit later, on August 19, and reached their peak in what is locally known as the “Bolivian 9/11,” when protesters in Pando were shot under the local governor’s orders. Following the expulsion of American Ambassador Philip S. Goldberg things calmed down quickly. Roughly at the same time the DEA, which was eradicating coca while the CIA supported the plantations, was expelled by President Morales. While reading this, it is difficult not to recall Philip Agee’s INSIDE THE COMPANY: CIA DIARY, where a former CIA officer describes how the police forces of two countries in South America – Uruguay and Ecuador – are practically owned by “The Company.” These Bolivian events more than support the claim that a similar situation exists here. I expand on these in Back in Bethlehem.
Since President Evo Morales initially claimed that this event was a smear campaign designed to make him look bad, I’ll begin with its end. On June 23, 2011, General René Sanabria and one of his accomplices, Juan Marcelo Foronda Azero, pled guilty to charges of drug trafficking and conspiracy in a Miami courtroom. At the time of his capture, while transporting 144 kilograms of cocaine (February 14, 2011, in Panama, by the DEA – was this their revenge for their expulsion in 2008? Or did they help their friend Morales to get rid of yet another political threat?), General Sanabria was the Director of Central Intelligence for Bolivia. Before that he was the commander of the special anti-drug police force in Bolivia (Fuerza Especial de Lucha Contra el Narcotráfico, aka FELCN). He also faces charges in Chile where he was filmed by undercover agents offering to sell them over $5 million dollars of cocaine. Until then, General Sanabria had been a very close close adviser of President Morales.
Yet, Morales is not anti-American. On the contrary, beyond the shiny coating of animosity between Bolivia and the USA, the USA is the major client, though unofficially so, of Bolivian coca; as mentioned, Morales still head the Coca Confederation.
Most Bolivians are rather confused; their leadership is not different. We have a Communist gladly working with the USA and … Iran.
One of the reasons that convinced me to stay in Bolivia is that I had good reasons to think I would be safe from Israeli attacks here. After all, Bolivia is what the ADL would call an anti-Semitic society. I have heard pastors saying “All Jews are thieves;” I have seen here men with Swastikas tattooed on their hands. Recently, an American Ultra-Orthodox Jew was openly extorted by the Judicial system (see Bolivian Judge Flees Haredi Fury). All these didn’t matter, the bottom line, as expanded in Back in Bethlehem, is that in Bolivia, money is the only ideology. Zion lavishly poured money on my persecution.
“Evo Traitor Viva TIPNIS” | Graffiti at La Paz Bicentennial Atrium September 2011
Bolivia Violates Its Refugees
I became a target. The Cross of Bethlehem narrative ends a couple of months before my arrival at Bolivia. Despite several oblique mentions of my getting political refuge, the book barely touches the events between my being shot at in Jingong, China, and my arrival at Bolivia. There were several reasons for that, most of them related to the local authorities’ polite request to avoid mentioning the terror I experienced in other South American countries. I arrived at Bolivia in February 2004, just after the Israeli embassy left (that saved my life). Soon, I found a Lutheran congregation that welcomed me. In October 2004, I had applied to be recognized as a political and religious refugee. Following dramatic events I was recognized as such in August 2005. Evo Morales was elected shortly afterwards; on paper this promised an even more comfortable environment.
Until I got the refugee status, everything was fine. Shortly afterwards, the subtle surveillance I experienced until then became oppressive and of a criminal nature. It was so bad and open that a Bolivian military officer (R.G. in The Cross of Bethlehem) didn’t hesitate to tell me: “Israel asked to keep an eye on you.” In January 2009, Bolivia cut its diplomatic relations with Israel, due to the terrorist acts committed by the latter in Gaza. I thought things would change, but on July 2009, I was savagely attacked and maimed by a Bolivian-Israeli terror team.
At a certain point, Israel had approached people from at least two Bolivian organizations and began pouring money. Corruption is a plague in Bolivia; I’ve seen even church members openly accepting bribes without blinking. When I was teaching, I often touched the issue of ethics. Not even one Bolivian ever refused – or even questioned – my offer of $1 per week for him – or her – informing on a close friend for a week. “You just killed your brother,” I invariably told the smiling clown. With $100, Israel can hire a hundred watchers for a week. People with neither hearts nor compassion; cold Altiplano rocks filling up their hollow chests. I had become a business of the Bolivian military intelligence and police. “Keep him alive but barely so,” became the state-terrorists policy towards me. Eventually, I was properly recognized as Political Prisoner of Bolivia. My international activity and the fact that certain parties could prove that I have been violated by Bolivia if I died suddenly is what keeps me alive.
Brutal Introduction to Government’s Harassment Techniques
Years ago, I was an IDF officer. During my service, I had regular contacts with Sayeret Matkal, the army’s elite commando. One of the subunits of the Vertical Bypass Division, where I served, was placed in their headquarters. I also served for a long time on the Golan Heights, from where that commando often enter Syria. The most shocking testimony I ever heard from them was their acting as subcontractors for Mossad, specifically its LAP Division, the PSYWAR branch. I heard how the night before, the commando team of the soldier speaking with me had attacked in… Tel Aviv. They have mauled traffic signs next to the house of somebody undesired by the government in an attempt to create distracting psychological pressure. Psikhushka is a Soviet term, but the terror techniques were developed by Jews, beginning with Herr Freud.
The attacks against me were carried on in three different stages. The first and most surprising one was a LAP-style attack. In State Sponsored Terror, I explained in detail how the “Linguistic-Narrative” terror attack works. Even more detail is available in Back in Bethlehem. The idea is to influence the subject of the terror attack by insinuating what to do. It failed with me since I was aware of it and used my various languages to avoid the attack.
When the slow Bolivians understood that I was mocking their linguistic attacks by reflecting the messages on them, they moved to poisoning my food. In an effort that will leave scars for life, I solved the issue. However, my sight and hearing are impaired. Other serious damage has been caused to me by these terrorists.
Failing this terrorist attack, the Bolivian Government, in a desperate attempt to block my writing, started to gass me Nazi-style. I spend most of my days running around between internet kiosks while Nazi Boilivians move behind me with gas canisters attempting to poison me. The vast majority of the times they fail miserably; they are rather clumsy, slow-moving people. Yet, a few times it took all my will to keep moving my semi-paralyzed legs to the nearest shelter.
I am held prisoner in a city. The government robbed my documents and maimed me. If leaving the city I would be detained at the first toll-gate. I cannot even leave the cheap guesthouse where I spend the cold nights of La Paz. Its staff regularly attempts to gas me while entering or leaving the building. I have become a professional diver on the ground, a victim of state terror.
Laughing all the way to the bank
Bolivia smiles. Its intelligence officers are laughing all the way to the bank. Israel laughs. Mossad smiles while saying: “It is not us, they are the terrorists.” I am too mauled even to cry. At the cost of my life, I won’t be silenced by a terror state, be it Israel or Bolivia.
* Bolivia is a major supplier of “special sugar” to the West and thus get preferencial treatment by Western media outlets. I am also a travel-writer. Following a series of negative articles that I published on Bolivia in a professional forum, the latter got a very odd article on the New York Times, which forgot to mention the systematic violence towards foreigners. How much diod that cost? One pound of “special sugar?” Druglords loose change…
Roi Tov is a graduate—among others—of Tel Aviv University and the Weizmann Institute of Science. In addition to his memoir, Tov is published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Molecular Physics and other scientific journals. He won various travel writing and photography awards.
In his writings, he tries to reveal life in Israel as a Christian Israel Defense Force (IDF) officer—from human rights violations to the use of an extensive network of underground agents. He was recognized first as a refugee and subsequently as political prisoner of Bolivia.
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